📜 Context & Official HWP Statement

On April 25, the 32nd Congress of the Hungarian Workers’ Party (HWP) was held. The following text focuses primarily on the party’s analysis of the recent parliamentary elections. At the end, I will share my personal observations as well.

All analyses were fully translated from the original sources.

For context, I’ve provided a translation of the official seven-point resolution issued by the HWP:

Resolution of the National Presidency of the Workers’ Party

The National Presidency of the Workers’ Party has reviewed the results and lessons of the 2026 parliamentary election.

1. Parliamentary elections were held in Hungary on April 12, 2026. The governing conservative Fidesz–KDNP alliance, led by Viktor Orbán, suffered a defeat, while the predominantly liberal Tisza Party, led by Péter Magyar, emerged victorious.
2. The 2026 elections took place against a more tense international backdrop than ever before. Capitalist forces have resorted to war on a global scale. The danger of world war threatens humanity. Through these means, capitalist forces seek to resolve capitalism’s inherent crises and to prevent anti-capitalist movements in their own countries. The struggle between liberal and conservative capitalist factions has become a life-and-death battle. The liberal forces are striving by every means to eliminate all obstacles restraining the total domination of capital— including independent nations.
3. The EU subjected the Hungarian government to continuous pressure. The liberal Western press and social media platforms controlled by multinational corporations openly called for the replacement of the Hungarian government. The EU turned a blind eye to, and even encouraged, Ukraine’s attacks against the Hungarian government
4. In this election, too, the Hungarian people were not choosing between capitalism and socialism, but between two types of capitalism. They did not change the system; they replaced one faction of the capitalist class with another.
5. The Workers’ Party participated in the election in coalition with the Solidarity Party. We presented the alternative, a new community-based society, trusting that sooner or later people will come to understand it. The coalition managed to field 58 individual candidates. They were met with trust by the people, and that is a significant achievement. It is not enough for success today, but it provides a handhold and encouragement for the future. On 12 April, it was not we who lost; rather, one faction of the Hungarian capitalist class lost to another. We must not despair, but continue working.
6. In many places, local organisations of the Workers’ Party carried out tremendous work, drawing on their local knowledge and social connections. There is a need to strengthen our social base and to broaden our contacts. We must reinforce discipline in party work. We all bear responsibility for the fate of the Workers’ Party. The Workers’ Party is ready to deepen its relations with the Solidarity Party. In the changed situation, a left-wing opposition that represents the interests of the people and of workers is more necessary than ever.
7. The National Presidency calls on the members and organisations of the party to remain calm. We must also be prepared for the possibility that the measures of the Tisza Party will curtail existing democratic opportunities.

Budapest, April 13, 2026

As you can see, it was released on the next day after the election took place. Since then, several articles and videos have been released, as well as the congress itself has taken place. I will try merging information from all these sources, to hopefully be able to help you understand the situation in our country.

📖 Gyula Thürmer’s Post-Election Analysis

The following pieces (this one and the next one) were written by Gyula Thürmer, President of the HWP. The full version can be found here.

“ Orbán thought like Széchenyi or Batthyány in 1848. He believed that a strengthened Hungarian national capital could become a partner to German and French capital, and to the multinationals in general. Western capital, however, saw them not as partners but as competitors, even enemies. The success of the national capitalist path threatened the European, and indeed global, dominance of the multinationals. That is why they decided that the “revolt of the colonies” had to be crushed, at any cost. There could be no talk of partnership, a Europe of nations, and the like. Orbán thought that the crises had weakened the EU and that, after its defeats, the EU would be ready to reach a compromise with Hungarian capital. Much as the Austrian aristocracy compromised with the Hungarian aristocracy in 1867 after suffering defeat at the hands of the Prussians. But that is not what is happening now. German-French capital is bleeding from a thousand wounds, but it has not yet bled out. Far from it! Orbán counted on American support being able to halt the EU’s moves to crush the national capitalist path. That is not what happened! On 12 April, Trump’s America, in reality, also suffered defeat. Orbán trusted that the threat of war and the spectre of losing independence could forge the Hungarians into national unity. That is not what happened! The struggle of Fidesz did not become an anti-Western war of liberation for the Hungarian people. Why not? Because of the illusions they have clung to for decades. Many were afraid that because of Orbán they wouldn’t be able to go and work in the West, wouldn’t be able to travel. They still lived under the illusion that we would live like the Germans or the Austrians. They shut their eyes, not wanting to see that even the Germans and Austrians no longer live as they once did. Orbán did not want to defeat capitalism; he wanted to defeat socialism. He regarded the capitalist regime change as the great success of his life, and as the years went by he increasingly magnified his own role in it. The constant “communist-bashing” may have strengthened his own camp, but it also pushed many people into the other camp. We do not rejoice at Fidesz’s defeat, but we do not take it to heart. We were not in power, they were. We criticised them many times and on many counts, but they paid no heed. Yet we do not rejoice at their defeat, nor at the victory of the Tisza Party. Every decision has a price, and we will pay for this one too. Fidesz went to the limit. They could have given more to the people, but that would no longer be capitalism. They could have taken more from big capital, but that, too, is impossible under capitalism. They could have broken with the EU and even with NATO, but that, too, would have overstepped the boundaries of capitalism. The Tisza Party was not born of Hungarian reality. It was created by multinational capital and the EU. They brought it into being and financed it so that it would serve their interests. The task of the Tisza Party is to clear the path for multinational capital. Down with national limits, down with nationalisation, down with price caps and utility-cost subsidies. What is more, down with the Hungarian nation itself! And independence should mean that we carry out the West’s orders willingly and with a song on our lips. And we may pray that the new power does not trample everything underfoot, as Zelensky does in Ukraine or as Tusk does in Poland. I know that many people do not believe this. They didn’t believe it before the election, either. In 1990, too, we said it a million times: don’t vote for regime change. Socialism had its faults, but it gave the people more than any capitalism. They didn’t believe it. Now many curse capitalism, but as famous comedian Géza Hofi said, “What’s done is done, we’re done for.” Now, too, we said that the Fidesz government does many bad things, but at least there is order, we are not at war, and basically our lives are not that bad. Don’t throw it away, especially when we know that the liberals, the Horns and Gyurcsánys (previous lib prime ministers of Hungary - felhfeltetel*), once already drove the country to the brink of ruin. This election was not about socialism. The Tisza people now talked the Hungarian people into believing that it is not capitalism that is to blame for Hungary’s troubles, but solely Orbán and Fidesz. Just replace them, do capitalism differently, and everything will suddenly be fine. Believe me, we shall soon discover that this is not the case. The ills of capitalism cannot be treated with even more capitalism. A new world, a new community-based society, a new people’s power is what is needed!

The “Ludas Matyi” Metaphor

The following is his other writing. The full version can be found here For context: Ludas Matyi is a classic Hungarian folk character, similar to Robin Hood, but known for delivering “rightful punishment” rather than financial redistribution.

“The time of freedom has come, at last there will be legality, and the Lőrinc Mészáros types will be made to pay! Millions proclaimed it, millions believed in it, and millions voted that way on 12 April. Millions felt that now they would receive compensation for all their pain, for all their grievances. And who hasn’t had grievances over the past sixteen years? No toilet paper in the hospital? Down with them! We don’t need a government like that! Will there be toilet paper under the new ones? We don’t know, but down with the old ones anyway! Corruption? Filthy rich, let’s punish them! Who exactly are they? I don’t know, but let’s punish them! Trains running late? Traffic too slow? Down with them! It’s going to be better! MPs and ministers earning millions? Throw them out of parliament, out of the government! We have become a country of three million Ludas Matyis. I’m not accusing anyone. Western media manipulation is capable of other wonders as well. Ludas Matyi doled out his grievance on lord Döbrögi, the landowner, three times over. Döbrögi had taken his geese without paying and had him beaten on top of it, so such a thing must be avenged. Mihály Fazekas wrote a fine folk poem around it. Fazekas was content with the outcome, namely that the cunning Ludas Matyi spanked the landowner three times. Fine, fine, but what happened afterwards? Mihály Fazekas gives no answer to this, and presumably he had none. Did Ludas Matyi take over lord Döbrögi’s estate? Not likely! Did Ludas Matyi become king, or at least a county magistrate? Surely not, right? Did Ludas Matyi’s warlike deed inspire the Hungarian serfs to struggle against the feudal system? That isn’t certain either – although Ludas Matyi is a child of the Reform Era, but who among the serfs would have read it? In this election, the Tisza Party encouraged the Hungarian people to be Ludas Matyis. Did you have a grievance? You did, so join up! Do you hate Orbán? Yes, then join up! Is there no democracy? There will be, just join up! Do the rich make you angry? Then come on, dust off the lord Döbrögi of today! But let’s get back to Ludas Matyi! Did he overthrow the feudal system? No! There are no such social references in Fazekas’s work. You voted for Tisza on 12 April? Will there be no capitalism from tomorrow? Will money not rule? Will you be sitting in parliament? Name one among all the Tisza MPs who is like you! One who understands your life, your troubles, your misery! Will they change the constitution? Probably. Will they write into it that all power belongs to the working people? You don’t seriously think that, do you? Will you have a say from now on in who your representative is? Did you know who the ones the Leader put on the list were? Will the media deal with your concerns? Do you think that just because the owner of the media changes, you will become the most important thing? On 12 April, three million Hungarians gave lord Döbrögi a dusting – at least that’s how they experienced it. They got rid of the rule of Fidesz. And what will happen tomorrow? What will happen when we are faced with the fact that the EU treats us as a colony, regardless of who the prime minister is? What will happen if prices keep rising and our money keeps becoming worth less? What will happen if the last condition for the war against Russia has been fulfilled and the order is given: attack? The story of lord Döbrögi cannot be played out endlessly. We cannot imagine ourselves as Ludas Matyi and change nothing in the system of the Döbrögis. Because there isn’t just one Döbrögi, there are many. You can dust off one of them, even three times, but nothing changes. This election was a religious war: Fidesz or no Fidesz. It was not about capitalism or a community-based society. And do not think that Ludas Matyi has won. Ludas Matyi can win, but that takes more than this. For instance, it takes Ludas Matyis getting into power, so that the country becomes yours.

Solidarity Party Statement & Personal Reflections

The post-regime-change era is over. The new period of national resistance has begun. More than ten days after the election, the character of the Tisza Party government is starting to take shape. From the line-up of personalities, it is clear that the national-liberal tradition – or rather its “Temu/Netflix horror” version – has come to power, with a very strong Atlanticist approach, which will determine what we can expect from our new government. Since the bureaucratic system that runs Europe, hand in hand with the US Democratic Party and international big capital, is preparing for war, we cannot count on much good. The Tisza government is tied by a thousand threads to the platforms listed above. Some of the ministers will be puppets, but the persons of István Kapitány, Anita Orbán, Bálint Ruff, and the prime minister himself guarantee that there will be no sovereigntism here: the Tisza government will subordinate our country to the interests of other interest groups and other countries. First of all, the settling of accounts will be very determined. Even if there are no convictions, there will be threats. In this way, the private capital and assets that accumulated in Hungarian hands under the Orbán government – stolen from state property – will migrate over to multinational companies within a tight deadline. While this is taking place (over roughly six months to a year), the public will be entertained with matters such as the secret-agent files, the soap opera of acquiring the position of President of the Republic, threatening the Israeli prime minister with prison (yes, they will resort to Jew-baiting), stirrings around LGBTQ issues, and other similar questions – questions that may be important in themselves but are not really decisive in the life of the nation. They will sabotage a national oil and gas company, MOL’s Serbian purchase (and it is also questionable whether the Russians will still think it a good idea). For that matter, they will hand MOL over into foreign hands. They will dismantle the Hungarian-owned banks, apart from OTP. The road-construction and telecommunications infrastructure will also fall entirely into foreign ownership, and the fate of the media built up by Fidesz is very much in question. Within a year, Hungary could be left “blind” to any news about herself, and could lose all independent room for manoeuvre in the international economy – and thus in politics as well. So Hungary will cease to be a sovereign country, and the most brutal part is that the majority of the population will not even notice. What’s more, anyone who points this out will be called stupid, a Nazi, a Fidesz supporter. Grave and difficult times are coming for Hungary. Fidesz received a historic mandate and could not make use of the opportunity. The “Our Homeland” Movement has, for now, been unable to step out of its own shadow. The post-regime-change era ended on 12 April 2026: Hungary has become a colony once more. And with that, the new period of national resistance has begun.

My Personal Experience

Looking at my social circle, as the messages above illustrate, I’ve found myself caught between two deeply polarized sides. Many of my friends have become difficult to engage with. They tend to stay within ideological echo chambers, absorbing information that reinforces their existing views. While they genuinely try to make sense of the world, their approach often feels limited, which I find disheartening. Most of them have encouraged me, directly or indirectly, to support Tisza. I’d rather not discuss my family dynamics. At work, I’ve witnessed colleagues clash over political differences, which has been both disappointing and draining. The media landscape hasn’t helped either. Social media is largely unproductive, and traditional outlets often feel no better. Over the past few years, platforms like the “Partizán” YouTube channel have emerged, openly aligning with liberal viewpoints and playing a prominent role in the Tisza campaign. The constant noise and polarization have left me feeling overwhelmed and mentally exhausted. I grew up during Fidesz’s sixteen years in power, and I also remember the era that preceded it. To be honest, those earlier years were equally difficult and, in many ways, deeply impacted my family. Yet today’s liberal voices often dismiss that period as the “old opposition,” treating it as irrelevant. Instead, they express strong pride in supporting a new wave of liberal leadership that has now taken on governing responsibilities. Lately, I’ve been feeling a profound sense of disconnection, alienation. I often catch myself hoping this is all just a bad dream, struggling to reconcile my daily reality with the pressures of late stage capitalism. I feel increasingly isolated, and the weight of it is heavy. My job has become draining to the point where I count the days remaining, yet I have no plan B, my social connections feel distant, and navigating life with autism has grown more overwhelming during this period of uncertainty. I am absolutely trashed. Uni exams coming up, so maybe focusing on those can alleviete some of this madness.

Thank you for reading this far. I truly hope you found it insightful. If you’re interested, I’ll gladly share more in the future. Until next time!

Edit 1: I have noticed several grammatical errors, and incorrect phrases, so I corrected those as fast as I could. Which means I had to ruin the styling a bit.

Edit 2: Styling tomorrow.

— Felhfeltetel